The widespread propaganda of this view among the army on active service must be organized… 2. For that Lenin was needed. The Socialists who dominated the Soviet interpreted the February Revolution as a bourgeois revolution and considered it appropriate for the bourgeoisie to hold power.
I am certain that no one had expected anything of the sort. Lenin first presented his theses to a gathering of Social Democrats and later April 17 [April 4, old style], to a Bolshevik committee, both of which immediately rejected them. Now only struggle from below mattered, the culmination of which would be soviet power.
After the February Revolution Lenin sought to return to Russia as soon as possible. Kamenev, if he truly was the embodiment of old Bolshevism, never really seemed to learn from this.
No support for the Provisional Government; the utter falsity of all its promises should be made clear, particularly of those relating to the renunciation of annexations. To their surprise, however, Lenin expressed hostility toward most of them, denouncing both the provisional government and the Petrograd Soviet that had helped to bring about the change of power.
The theory of permanent revolution and the April Theses now dovetailed together. I read them twice very slowly; first at a meeting of Bolsheviks and then at a meeting of both Bolsheviks and Mensheviks. But more immediately, by insisting on two stages Lenin is decisively breaking with the old Bolshevik scenario.
I read them out, and gave the text to Comrade Tsereteli. The masses must be made to see that the Soviets of Workers Deputies are the only possible form of revolutionary government, and that therefore our task is, and as long as this government yields to the influence of the bourgeoisie, to present a patient, systematic, and persistent explanation of the errors of their tactics, an explanation especially adapted to the practical needs of the masses.
Of course it is true that after the February Revolution society had progressed compared to the Tsarist state.
We need a state. I arrived in Petrograd only on the night of April 16, and could therefore, of course, deliver a report at the meeting on April 17, on the tasks of the revolutionary proletariat only upon my own responsibility, and with the reservations as to insufficient preparation.
And in this we differ from the opportunists and Kautskyites of the old, and decaying, socialist parties, who have distorted, or have forgotten, the lessons of the Paris Commune and the analysis of these lessons made by Marx and Engels. But this is not the stance that Kamenev, the epitome of old Bolshevism, took.
What does this mean? But Lenin in April was not Lenin infar less Marx in We need a state but not the kind the bourgeoisie needs, with organs of government in the shape of a police force, an army and a bureaucracy officialdom separate from and opposed to the people.
Abolition of the police, the army, the bureaucracy Lih acknowledges that there were what he calls disagreements in the April debates but he puts much of this down to misunderstandings, deliberate or otherwise, rather than any deep cleavage in strategy.
The real inheritors of old Bolshevism were the Mensheviks. The most widespread campaign for this view must be organised in the army at the front. The only way it can and must be overthrown is by winning over the majority in the Soviets.
Lenin, however, viewed the two bodies as institutions representing social classes locked in the class struggle. As long as we are in the minority we carry on the work of criticising and exposing errors and at the same time we preach the necessity of transferring the entire state power to the Soviets of Workers Deputies, so that people may overcome their mistakes by experience.
For Lenin the proletariat could never gain anything discernible out of a capitalist war. Instead Lenin was banking on the perspective of a deteriorating state of affairs both at the front and at home and on the continued resistance of the stratum of workers who had risen to their feet in the upwards years of following the massacre of miners in the Lena goldfields.
The new provisional government was perfectly happy to endorse the concept of revolutionary defencism because it helped to provide it cover while it continued to espouse the predatory war goals of the previous Tsarist regime.
These proceeded from his analysis of imperialism, not from his specific investigation into Russia written 20 years previously. Martov could not but have known that a democratic revolution and a republic means a bourgeois-democratic republic. At the same time the soviets, last glimpsed inwere also starting to reappear.
The Party could fulfil its mission only after understanding it. This transition is characterised, on the one hand, by a maximum of legally recognised rights Russia is now the freest of all the belligerent countries in the world ; on the other, by the absence of violence towards the masses, and, finally, by their unreasoning trust in the government of capitalists, those worst enemies of peace and socialism.
However, no coup grew out of these demonstrations, and they dissipated without incident.
Four Recognition of the fact that in most of the Soviets of Workers' Deputies our party constitutes a minority, and a small one at that, in the face of the bloc of all the petty bourgeois opportunist elements If Lenin had not been artificially separated from the party by the conditions of emigration and war, the external mechanics of the crisis would not have been so dramatic, and would not have overshadowed to such a degree the inner continuity of the party development.
But when it actually came about the collapse of Tsarism happened astonishingly quickly.April Theses, Russian Aprelskiye Tezisy, in Russian history, program developed by Lenin during the Russian Revolution ofcalling for Soviet control of state power; the theses, published in Aprilcontributed to the July Days uprising and also to the Bolshevik coup d’etat in October Lenin's The April Theses () [Published in Pravda, No.
26, 7 April ]. I did not arrive in Petrograd until the night of April 3, and therefore at the meeting on April 4 I could, of course, deliver the report on the tasks of the revolutionary proletariat only on my own behalf, and with reservations as to insufficient preparation.
The April Theses was a document of ten points presented to the April Conference of Bolsheviks by Vladimir Lenin in The main points of the April Theses were to focus Bolshevik efforts on.
April Theses, Russian Aprelskiye Tezisy, in Russian history, program developed by Lenin during the Russian Revolution ofcalling for Soviet control of state power; the theses, published in Aprilcontributed to the July Days uprising and also to the Bolshevik coup d’etat in October Lenin's April Theses April Lenin’s famous April Theses called for Soviet control of the state and were a precursor to the Russian Revolution and the Bolshevik coup d’état.
Home» » April Crisis» April Crisis Texts» April Thesis. April Thesis. Vladimir Lenin, The Tasks of the Proletariat in the Present Revolution.
April 17, Original Source: Pravda, 20 AprilDownload